Peru’s Historical Anxiety about Asian Immigration May Have a Contemporary Twist

Nestled in the heart of South America, Peru defies some expectations when it comes to its migration history. The country shares no border with Venezuela, yet is home to the world’s second-largest number of Venezuelans (after Colombia). Of the nearly 8 million Venezuelans who have fled their troubled country since 2015, just under 1.5 million had settled in Peru as of 2023, comprising the overwhelming majority of the country’s foreign born. The number two origin country for Peru’s immigrant population is the United States, thousands of miles away, from which there were approximately 41,000 immigrants as of mid-2020. And the third-largest origin is China, on the other side of the Pacific, from which there were 32,000 immigrants.

Peru’s significant number of Chinese and, to a lesser extent, Japanese immigrants (slightly more than 6,000 as of 2020) are a legacy of an era that began in the 1850s. Thousands of immigrants moved to Peru as well as Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay. Most came from Italy and Spain and went to countries along the Atlantic coast, but other groups arrived from Asia and the Middle East—especially China, Japan, and what was then the Ottoman Empire—and went to Peru, on the Pacific.

Asian immigrants in Peru at first were welcomed, and their migration was even encouraged, although many were poorly treated and forced into hard contract labor. As in many other young Latin American republics, leaders first sought to attract “White foreigners” to populate the territory, and the Peruvian Congress issued laws to attract European immigrants. However, working conditions in Peru were not very favorable for European settlers, and rates of immigration were much lower than in other nations. In response, the government turned to China and Japan to look for workers who could grow the labor market and help resolve the shortage of hands for agriculture.

The arrival of tens of thousands of Asians during the 19th and early 20th centuries prompted major debates regarding the social costs of immigration. Chinese and Japanese immigrants accounted for the vast majority of foreign-born residents in cities such as Lima in the early 20th century, which generated tension, discrimination, and even acts of violence against them. While some Peruvian groups applauded policies to attract cheap and willing laborers, others pushed for more restrictive policies, arguing that the arrival of Asians was a threat to public health, morality, and the economy. Eventually, these latter voices won out. Despite its initial openness, Peruvian immigration policy changed radically in the 1930s—a time of deep global economic recession and turmoil—to grow more restrictive.

Still, the large numbers of immigrants who gave birth to Peruvian-born children created a vibrant Asian diaspora, which is today one of the largest in Latin America. Chinese and Japanese influence continues to be felt, including in Peru’s culture and food, and prominent economic and political leaders (most notably former President Alberto Fujimori) trace their heritage to East Asia. The Japanese government estimated as of 2021 that 100,000 Peruvians had Japanese roots.

History may be repeating itself. Amid the arrival of very large numbers of Venezuelans beginning in 2015, Peru was initially regarded as among the most receptive countries, offering the arrivals a special work permit and temporary legal status. But the government’s approach began to grow more restrictive, and meanwhile Venezuelans in Peru have faced various forms of discrimination. Unlike Asian immigrants a century ago, Venezuelans are fleeing economic and political collapse and were not benefitting from policies drawing workers to fill labor market gaps. Still, estimates suggest they will grow the national economy, and many migrants say they intend to stay long term. As such, understanding Peru’s historical experiences with Asian immigrants can provide insights for the present moment.

Immigration from Asia demonstrated the contradictions in Peru—and, indeed, countries around the planet—regarding the costs and benefits of global immigration. This article provides an overview of historical Asian migration to Peru, drawing a parallel to recent experiences with Venezuelans.

Historical Policies to Attract Asian Immigration

Chinese immigration to the Americas dates to the 16th century, speeding in the 19th century with a systematic movement towards the West, especially during a period of political and economic instability known as the “century of humiliation” (from 1839 to 1949) which included the Taiping Rebellion, the Opium Wars, and other instances of the Chinese government’s inability to maintain order. Between 1840 and 1900, more than 2.5 million Chinese moved worldwide, with Cuba, Mexico, Peru, and the United States being their main destinations in the Americas.

In 1849, the Peruvian Congress issued one of the country’s most important immigration laws, known as the Ley China (Chinese Law), offering money and other incentives to companies that introduced groups of settlers ages 10 to 48 years old. The law gave rise to the arrival of significant numbers of Chinese migrants working as indentured or contract laborers, sometimes in conditions similar to enslavement. Known as “coolies” (now an offensive term), many faced a painful and exhausting journey across the Pacific and then precarious living and working conditions on estates (haciendas) where they extracted guano (bird feces) to turn into fertilizer and did other difficult jobs. Approximately one-third died on the dangerous journey from China, and many more arrived sick. The government prohibited immigration from China in 1856; a national labor shortage forced Congress to backpedal a few years later. Even as some made eugenics-based arguments that Chinese were dangerous and should not be allowed to immigrate, entry was once again permitted.

Approximately 100,000 Chinese entered the country between 1847 and 1874, comprising the largest Chinese diaspora in the Americas after those in the United States and Cuba. Peruvian leaders hoped most would leave after finishing their eight-year contracts, but instead Chinese immigrants often stayed and moved to cities where they dedicated themselves to commerce. This created major tensions with working-class Peruvians in years to come.

At the same time, reports of exploitation and abuse suffered by Chinese immigrants in countries such as Peru and Cuba motivated international concern. Consequently, China and Peru signed the Treaty of Commerce, Navigation, and Friendship in 1874, ending the subsidized migration and allowing free immigration of Chinese to Peru, without the need for recruiting companies serving as intermediaries.

Japanese Arrivals

The approximately 240,000 Japanese who arrived in Peru prior to World War II had a trajectory similar to the Chinese. Many entered the country starting in 1899 thanks to the promotion of migration and an agreement between Japan and Peru, primarily due to the influence of people such as the financial leader and future Japanese Prime Minister Korekiyo Takahashi and future Peruvian President Augusto B. Leguía. At the end of the 19th century, North American restrictions on Asian immigration caused companies recruiting Japanese laborers to direct their attention to South America. Peru became a major destination due to its need for laborers on coastal sugar and cotton farms. Most Japanese who landed in Peru around the turn of the century did not intend to settle permanently, expecting to earn money and then return to Japan.

The Peruvian government was willing to accept Japanese workers but imposed certain conditions. The only immigrants allowed were men between ages 20-45 who enjoyed good physical health, were mentally sound, and possessed “good habits” (such as by abstaining from alcohol and opium and maintaining good hygiene). Japanese immigrants were not spared the inhumane working and health conditions to which Chinese immigrants had been exposed, making them vulnerable to diseases and, in the worst cases, death. These conditions motivated some migrants to abandon their farms and return to Japan.

Economic Presence and Anti-Asian Sentiment in the 20th Century

Immigration from China in the early 20th century was primarily from Hong Kong and consisted of migrants who set up companies in Lima and other big cities. A 1913 guide to Chinese firms in several major countries, for instance, showed that Peru had one of the largest concentrations of Chinese businesses in the Western Hemisphere (see Figure 1). Chinese companies were in multiples cities in the country, mainly offering general merchandise.

Figure 1. Chinese Businesses in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1913

Source: Wong Kin, International Chinese Business Directory of the World: A Comprehensive List of Prominent Chinese Firms and Individuals in Parts of China, Japan, India Proper (Etc.) (San Francisco: International Chinese Business Directory Company, 1913)­.

This liberal migration was soon restricted by laws seeking to reduce the number of Asian immigrants. These measures were motivated by Peruvian workers’ protests claiming immigrants would compete for jobs, drive down wages, and monopolize trade and industry. In 1909, Lima experienced riots and the looting of multiple businesses as well as attacks on several individuals. In response, the Chinese legation in Lima asked the government for economic compensation and entrusted the Benevolent Society with verifying and valuing the damage suffered by merchants. Succumbing to widespread public pressure, Leguía—then Peru's president—suspended Chinese immigration on May 14, 1909. Both countries signed a new treaty (the Borras Protocol) that barred unemployed Chinese from entering the country, effectively ending the immigration of people searching for work or entrepreneurial opportunities.

Figure 2. Chinese Businesses in Peru, 1913

Source: Kin, International Chinese Business Directory of the World: A Comprehensive List of Prominent Chinese Firms and Individuals in Parts of China, Japan, India Proper (Etc.).

Despite restrictive laws, the Chinese and Japanese became some of the largest groups of immigrants in Peru in the early 20th century. For instance, of the nearly 30,000 immigrants combined in Lima and neighboring Callao as of the 1931 census, 33 percent were Japanese and 20 percent were Chinese (see Figure 3). In other regions, the situation was similar, if not more pronounced. For example, while there were only slightly more than 100 foreign-born residents of the southern Mariscal Nieto prefecture that same year, 54 percent were Chinese. 

Figure 3. Composition of Foreign-Born Population in Lima and Callao, by Country of Origin, 1931

Source: Government of Peru, Censo de las provincias de Lima y Callao levantado el 13 de noviembre de 1931 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1932).

In the 1930s, as a global economic crisis hit South America and other parts of the world hard, Peruvian immigration policies tightened anew. In 1932, the government forced companies to ensure that at least 80 percent of personnel were Peruvian, which primarily affected small Chinese and Japanese businesses. Starting in 1936, Peruvian-born children of immigrants were no longer granted Peruvian citizenship (this provision was repealed in 1962). 

Violence targeting Japanese individuals and businesses was aggravated by the nationalist context of World War II, when Peru was aligned with the United States and other Allied powers. During this climate of great hostility, many families decided to return to Japan. Nearly 1,800 Japanese Peruvians were abducted and sent to internment camps in the United States, the most of any Japanese-descended group from Latin America. At the end of the war, the Peruvian government began to confiscate property from Japanese families, including the Fujimori family which decades later would produce Peru’s president. The following years saw a process of rebuilding relations between the government and the Peruvian population, including those of Japanese origin or descent. A milestone was the government's financial compensation for the confiscated properties, paid in 1955. Still, the number of Japanese immigrants decreased.

Chinese and Japanese Impact on Peruvian Culture

While current Chinese- and Japanese-born populations are a fraction of their historical size, the impact of this immigration era is still apparent in several areas of Peruvian society. Among the most visible is the presence of multiple Asian-owned businesses in Peru’s main cities. Chinese immigrants formed an early Chinatown in Lima, known as Barrio Chino, which remains one of the most important in Latin America.

In the health sector, Chinese medicinal products and services have been on offer since the mid-19th century. The circulation of Chinese medical knowledge and products enriched the pluralist medicinal market in Latin America. Chinese herbal medicine also catered to lower-income groups and offered a more affordable alternative to Western medicine, as well as an additional source of hope when other treatments did not work.

Peruvian cuisine also has been profoundly shaped by Chinese and Japanese elements. Chinese immigrants opened the first Chinese fondas (small restaurants) in Lima in the 1860s, which attracted local patrons by offering affordable prices. These restaurants became popular with blue-collar workers and others who could not afford expensive meals. In the 1920s, Chinese restaurants shifted to chifas, which are modern and prosperous establishments. They reached a new clientele and became places for family reunions and celebrations within the Chinese community and others. Today, chifas are a pillar of Peruvian gastronomy recognized around the world. Similarly, Japanese-Peruvian (also known as Nikkei) cuisine is one of the most visible cultural expressions of the Nikkei community in Peru.

Culturally, poets such as Doris Moromisato and José Watanabe and the novelist Augusto Higa Oshiro are part of an extensive list of Nikkei who have reflected their mixed identity and experiences in their works. Noteworthy Chinese-Peruvians (also known as Tusanes), include the philosopher Victor Li Carrillo, the archeologists Emilio Chou and Rosa Fung Pineda, and the historian Celia Wu Branding.

Finally, the Japanese-origin community in particular has had an important impact on Peruvian politics. While hostility towards Asian-origin communities kept them from the public sphere for decades, their political participation increased after World War II. Several Nikkei have run for public office, none more successfully than Fujimori, who was elected in 1990 with the slogan “work, honesty, and technology.” However, Fujimori later faced allegations of corruption and autocracy, and was convicted for human-rights violations during his presidency, amid hostilities with leftist guerrillas. This episode affected relations with the Japanese government. Fujimori fled to Japan, which in 2003 refused to extradite him back to Peru because he was a Japanese citizen, although he was later arrested in Chile, extradited, and imprisoned for 16 years. Still, Fujimori's children sought to continue their political legacy. His daughter Keiko, who assumed the role of first lady from 1994 to 2000, served in Congress between 2006 and 2011, receiving the most votes in those elections, and ran for president in 2011, 2016, and 2021. His son Kenji served in Congress between 2011 and 2018, being elected with the most votes for the 2011-16 period. Keiko faces charges of corruption, and her brother Kenji left politics in 2018 over a bribery scandal.

Comparison with Recent Arrivals

The era of large-scale immigration to Peru came to an end with restrictive laws of the 1930s. Even though the government repealed these laws in the 1950s, the trend did not change. Since the mid-1900s, the country has experienced a large transformation of a different kind, in the form of a massive internal migration from the inland Andes and jungle to the country's main cities near the coast. This phenomenon increased in the 1980s and 1990s due to the internal war with the Maoist group Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso), during which almost 70,000 people were killed according to Peru’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The war took place mainly in the Peruvian Andes and displaced hundreds of thousands to the capital.

The political and economic crisis in the late 1980s and 1990s also caused many Peruvians to go abroad, including to Chile, Europe, and the United States. Thus, Peru for many years became defined as a country of emigration, rather than of immigration. 

This pattern changed in 2015 when the Venezuelan crisis led to an exodus of more than 7.7 million people, many of whom went to Peru. Venezuelans in Peru live mainly in Lima, often in precarious situations, with high numbers lacking access to basic services such as health care, housing, and education. About 92 percent of Venezuelans in Peru lacked health insurance as of 2023, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The government offered temporary legal status to many Venezuelans, but integration challenges remain.

As in the early 20th century, this immigration has generated a series of social tensions, including a climate of xenophobia in places. There are also anxieties regarding the costs of providing for newcomers, especially since the government has difficulty meeting the needs of its native population in areas such as social security and health. In a 2023 IOM survey, 71 percent of Venezuelans said they experienced stigma or discrimination.

New Immigrants, Old Fears

Ever since large numbers of Chinese and Japanese migrants began crossing the Pacific in the mid-19th century to reach the Americas, they have often been perceived as a threat. Some countries’ laws denied them and their children various rights, including the right to citizenship, and their properties were subject to confiscation or attack. In the United States, this resulted in measures such as the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, which prevented most new Chinese immigration, as well as the 1907 “Gentleman’s Agreement” with Japan to limit immigration.

Similarly, East Asian immigration in Peru sparked the country’s first restrictive immigration laws. Chinese and Japanese communities faced discrimination and xenophobia, although to be sure not all experiences were negative. Many immigrants formed interethnic families with Peruvians, studied at Peruvian universities, opened businesses of all sizes, and in innumerable ways contributed to Peruvian society.

More than a century later, some of these restrictive impulses are again on display in Peru’s reactions to what some have called the “threat” of immigrants from Venezuela. Venezuelan refugees and other migrants are predominantly young, of working age, tend to have more education than the local population, and are willing to relocate to new cities in the country for work. This too shares much in common with the previous era. A better understanding of Peru’s historical experiences with the foreign born can shed light on what it would mean to create a more equitable society with more tolerance toward this vulnerable population.

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