E.g., 12/03/2023
E.g., 12/03/2023
Wedding Bells Are Ringing: Increasing Rates of Intermarriage in Germany

Wedding Bells Are Ringing: Increasing Rates of Intermarriage in Germany

Only in the last decade has Germany acknowledged its status as an immigrant-receiving country. This is largely due to the settlement of postwar guest workers from Turkey, Italy, and other southern European countries.

With this change in attitude has come greater government attention to integrating immigrants. German-language requirements and classes have topped the list, and accepting Germany's democratic norms and rule of law is mandatory for those naturalizing.

But beyond fluency in language and other indicators — such as employment levels and residential patterns — marriage between individuals of different ethnic and/or racial backgrounds is generally considered a test of integration.

As sociologists Richard Alba and Victor Nee wrote in Remaking the American Mainstream, "A high rate of intermarriage signals that the social distance between the groups involved is small and that individuals of putatively different ethnic backgrounds no longer perceive social and cultural differences significant enough to create a barrier to long-term union."

In contrast to traditional immigration countries such as the United States, research on intermarriage in Germany began comparably late. However, starting in the mid-1970s, the interest in understanding marriage patterns between native Germans and immigrants has grown steadily (see sidebar for definition of immigrants). A significant part of the literature has tried to underline the sociological and economic factors that foster interethnic partnerships.

Sociologists, including Julia Schroedter and Thomas Klein, have studied marital behavior of certain immigrant groups in Germany, such as Turks and Italians, finding different patterns depending on the country of origin and gender.

This article adds to the existing literature by analyzing recent data and using distinct definitions of immigrant status. It first examines the recent history of immigration to Germany and the size of Germany's main immigrant groups, namely those who came as guest workers in the 1950s and 1960s and asylum seekers who arrived in the 1980s and 1990s. A breakdown of immigrants by German region is also included.

Defining Immigrants
German law defines Germans as persons holding German citizenship. Immigrants, also known in Germany as Ausländer (foreigners), are those holding citizenship from a foreign country only.

Aussiedler are persons of German descent, predominantly from Eastern Europe, who returned to Germany and held German citizenship upon arrival. Between 1950 and 2005, Aussiedler came mainly from Poland, the former Soviet Union, Romania, the former Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and the former Yugoslavia. They are counted as Germans in official statistics that use nationality as the single criterion for immigrant status.

The German Statistical Office counts persons with dual (German and foreign) citizenship as Germans. As Germany does not grant citizenship to those born on German soil, children of immigrant parents usually hold the same citizenship as their parents.

If one parent is a German citizen, a child can gain dual citizenship. Between ages 18 and 23, these children must choose one citizenship, as mandated by a law passed in 2000 commonly known as the "option model." Persons with dual citizenship are not counted as immigrants in official statistics that use nationality as the single criteria for immigrant status.

Although Germany has loosened its very strict naturalization law for children of first-generation immigrants, there are members of the second and third generations who have not naturalized. In nationality statistics, they are counted as immigrants regardless of their birthplace or how much time they have lived in Germany.

Since 2005, Germany's statistics bureau has used a second method for defining immigrants and their children: migration background.

The foreign born, or first generation, have a migration background, within which is their "own migration experience." Their children and grandchildren, who make up the second and later generations, have a migration background but are called "persons without own migration experience." A child with a native parent and a foreign-born parent, therefore, has a migration background but does not have his own migration experience.

According to these definitions, Aussiedler are included in the "migration background" category and in the subcategory of "own migration experience."


The article then lays out the factors that influence intermarriage; looks at intermarriage trends by nationality, gender, and generation; and assesses the correlation of intermarriage with education level as one of the major determinants of interethnic relationships. Two data sets are used and compared: nationality data and microcensus data that distinguish the first from the second and later generations.

Due to data limitations, there is no breakdown of intermarriage rates by region or city. For the same reason, religious differences are not explored even though religion likely affects marriage decisions.

The data reveal that while immigrants from Turkey, by far the largest immigrant group in Germany, have had low rates of intermarriage in the first generation, intermarriage rates among second-generation Turkish men are increasing.

In addition, first-generation Poles, another large but less regionally clustered immigrant group, show comparably high intermarriage rates.

Furthermore, increased levels of education also seem to foster intermarriage.

Immigration to Germany

Before assessing trends in intermarriage, it is important to understand the composition and historic background of Germany's immigrant population.

Due to massive labor-supply shortages and extreme economic growth during the "German economic miracle" of the early 1950s, recruitment agreements were signed between West Germany (FDG) and southern European countries, namely Italy, Greece, Spain, Turkey, Morocco, Portugal, Tunisia, and Yugoslavia.

Based on the idea of "stay-and-return-migration" hundreds of thousands of labor migrants — mainly young men — were recruited predominantly into low-skilled positions in factories and a few industrial sectors. In general, they faced unfavorable working conditions and were expected to return to their home countries after a limited period of time.

But the "rotation model" failed, and the government's efforts to encourage return migration after recruitment ended in 1973 did not succeed. Family members of remaining guest workers, particularly those from Turkey, then came to Germany via family reunification provisions, effectively turning the guest workers into permanent migrants.

In the 1980s and 1990s, asylum seekers and ethnic Germans (Aussiedler), boosted flows — although the latter are not considered immigrants (see sidebar).

Civil wars in the former Yugoslavia, and conflicts in Kurdish territories of Turkey and in northern Iraq brought record numbers of asylum seekers. Germany received over 430,000 applications in 1992, according to the German Federal Office for Migration and Refugees. Ethnic Germans, predominately from Poland, Romania, and the former Soviet Union, arrived in the aftermath of the breakup of the Soviet Union.

More recently, new waves of seasonal workers and labor migrants with temporary contracts have come from Poland, the Czech Republic, and other Eastern European states. However, Germany maintains restrictions on free labor movement from the Eastern European countries that joined the European Union in 2004.

Immigrant Population Today

According to the Central Registry of Foreigners (AZR), 6.7 million foreigners — which includes the nonnaturalized foreign born and noncitizen descendants of the foreign born — were living in Germany in 2008, making up 8.2 percent of Germany's 82.1 million people (see Table 1).

Table 1. Total Foreigner Population in Germany, Federal Statistical Office and the Central Register of Foreigners, 2006 to 2008
Year Population Foreign population - Federal Statistical Office
(according to population extrapolation)*
Foreign population - Central Register of Foreigners
Total Total Men Women
2006 82,314,906 7,255,949 3,737,409 3,518,540 6,751,002
2007 82,217,800 7,257,000 3,727,000 3,530,100 6,744,900
2008 82,095,000 7,247,156 3,716,984 3,530,172 6,727,600
* Since 1967, the stock of foreigners registered by the Central Register of Foreigners (AZR) has been published by the Federal Statistical Office. Due to major discrepancies between AZR numbers and results from a population survey in 1987, numbers from AZR were revised in 1987 and again in 2004. These revisions led to a discrepancy of about 600,000 persons between data from AZR and the population extrapolation.
Note: The Central Register of Foreigners does not include short-term stayers.
Source: Germany's Federal Statistical Office, Central Register of Foreigners (AZR), 2008.

By nationality, Turkish nationals were the largest immigrant group in 2008 (25.1 percent), followed by nationals of Italy, Poland, and Greece (see Table 2). The gender ratio for groups originating from countries that supplied guest workers (almost exclusively men) is still less than 50 percent, except for Spain. In other words, men outnumber women.

In contrast, women greatly outnumber men among nationals from the Russian Federation and Ukraine. Overall, Germany has slightly more immigrant men than women.

Table 2. Foreigners in Germany by Nationality and Gender, 2008
Total Share of total (percent) Men Women Percent women
Total 6,727,618   3,443,323 3,284,295 48.8
Turkey 1,688,370 25.1 889,003 799,367 47.3
Italy 523,162 7.8 308,169 214,993 41.1
Poland 393,848 5.9 189,924 203,924 51.8
Greece 287,187 4.3 156,002 131,185 45.7
Croatia 223,056 3.3 108,798 114,258 51.2
Russian Federation 188,253 2.8 73,765 114,488 60.8
Former Serbia and Montenegro¹ 177,330 2.6 92,415 84,915 47.9
Austria 175,434 2.6 92,557 82,877 47.2
Bosnia and Herzegovina 156,804 2.3 80,793 76,011 48.5
Netherlands 132,997 2 73,236 59,761 44.9
Ukraine 126,233 1.9 48,799 77,434 61.3
Portugal 114,451 1.7 62,291 52,160 45.6
France 108,090 1.6 50,487 57,603 53.3
Spain 105,526 1.6 52,615 52,911 50.1
Others 2,326,877 34.6 1,164,469 1,162,408 50.0
¹Before 2004, citizenship of Serbia and Montenegro was identical to that of former Yugoslavia; since August 2006 citizenship of the state of Serbia and the state of Montenegro are reported separately. Since May 1, 2008, Kosovo has been reported separately as well.
Source: Central register of Foreigners (AZR), 2008.

According to Germany's 2007 microcensus, the population with migration background — which includes Aussiedler and their children as well as the German-citizen descendants of immigrants — totaled 15.4 million, or 18.7 percent of Germany's population (see Table 3). Of these 15.4 million, 16.4 percent were of Turkish origin.

Table 3. Persons in Germany with Migration Background, 2007
Detailed migration status Total Share of total population
Total Population 82,257,000  
     Persons without migration background 66,846,000 81.3
     Persons with migration background 15,411,000 18.7
     — according to current or former citizenship    
               Turkey 2,527,000 16.4
               Italy 761,000 4.9
               Poland 638,000 4.1
               Russian Federation 561,000 3.6
               Serbia 391,000 2.5
               Greece 384,000 2.5
               Croatia 373,000 2.4
               Bosnia and Herzegovina 283,000 1.8
               Romania 240,000 1.6
               Ukraine 215,000 1.4
          Persons with own migration experience 10,534,000 68.4
               Foreigner 5,592,000 53.1
               Germans 4,942,000 46.9
                         Aussiedler 2,756,000 55.8
                         Naturalized 2,187,000 44.3
          Persons without own migration experience 4,877,000 31.7
               Foreigner 1,688,000 34.6
               Germans 3,189,000 65.4
                         Naturalized 393,000 12.3
                         German born with parents: 2,795,000  
                         both parents with migration background 1,363,000 48.8
                         only one parent migration background 1,432,000 51.2
Source: German Microcensus 2007.

Over two-thirds of those with migration background are members of the first generation ("own migration experience"); the remaining 31.7 percent are from the second and later generations ("without own migration experience").

Sorting the second and later generations by citizenship is difficult since most of these individuals were born in Germany and hold German citizenship. Also, information about their parents can be ambiguous.

In this group of second- or later-generation immigrants, only 12.3 percent became Germans by naturalization, whereas 2.8 million were German born with either one or both parents with migration background. They presumably hold dual citizenship and were not counted among the foreign population in previous statistics. Over half (1.4 million) have just one parent with migration background, meaning they are the children of mixed couples.

Among the non-Aussiedler first generation ("own migration experience") of 7.8 million, the majority remain foreign nationals; just 2.2 million, or 28.1 percent have acquired German citizenship. The Aussiedler, at 2.7 million, outnumber the naturalized.

With respect to regional distribution, the concentration of those with migration background is especially high in cities such as Hamburg (26.3 percent), Bremen (25.6 percent), and Berlin (23.8 percent) (see Table 4).

Those of Turkish descent make up 18.1 percent of the migrant-background population in Hamburg, 22.8 percent in Berlin, and 24.1 percent in Bremen. In contrast, only about 3 to 6 percent of each city's population is composed of members of the Polish community or originated from the Russian Federation countries (see Table 5).

Table 4. Regional Distribution of People with Migration Background, 2007
  Total Without migration background With migration background
Regional distribution          
  Number Number Percent of total Number Percent of total
Baden-Württemberg 10,745,000 8,025,000 74.7 2,720,000 25.3
Bayern 12,504,000 10,102,000 80.8 2,403,000 19.2
Berlin 3,408,000 2,598,000 76.2 810,000 23.8
Bremen 663,000 493,000 74.4 170,000 25.6
Hamburg 1,762,000 1,299,000 73.7 463,000 26.3
Hessen 6,069,000 4,608,000 75.9 1,461,000 24.1
Niedersachsen 7,978,000 6,718,000 84.2 1,260,000 15.8
Nordrhein-Westfalen 18,012,000 13,793,000 76.6 4,219,000 23.4
Rheinland-Pfalz 4,049,000 3,319,000 82.0 729,000 18.0
Saarland 1,041,000 858,000 82.4 184,000 17.7
Schleswig-Holstein 2,835,000 2,479,000 87.4 356,000 12.6
New Federal States without Berlin 13,190,000 12,555,000 95.2 636,000 4.8
Total 82,256,000 66,847,000   15,411,000  
Source: German Microcensus 2007.
Table 5. Migration-Background Population in Bremen, Berlin, and Hamburg, 2007
  Berlin Bremen Hamburg
  Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent
Total persons with migration background 810,000 100 170,000 100 463,000 100
Turkey 185,000 22.8 41,000 24.1 84,000 18.1
Poland 46,000 5.7 11,000 6.5 29,000 6.3
Russian Federation 28,000 3.5 10,000 5.9 24,000 5.2
Bosnia and Herzegovina 25,000 3.1 <5,000   / 13,000 2.8
Serbia 21,000 2.6 <5,000   / 8,000 1.7
Croatia 18,000 2.2 <5,000   / 8,000 1.7
Italy 16,000 2.0 <5,000   / 8,000 1.7
Greece 12,000 1.5 <5,000   / 11,000 2.4
Ukraine 11,000 1.4 5,000 3.0 <5,000   /
Note: Numbers less than 5,000 are not reported due to data imprecision.
Source: German Microcensus 2007.

Factors in Intermarriage

Factors typically affecting levels of intermarriage are generation, demographics, education, residential patterns, and the role of third parties (typically parents) who may pressure individuals to marry within their immigrant group.

Social boundaries between groups tend to fade over time, making intermarriage more likely in the second and third generations. Also, members of smaller immigrant groups are more likely to intermarry because they have fewer potential partners with the same ethnic background.

Generally, the higher an immigrant group's level of education, the higher the rate of intermarriage. Sociologist Matthijs Kalmijn has hypothesized that those with high levels of education may be less attached to their families or communities as they probably moved away to pursue their education.

In addition, economists Delia Furtado and Nikolaos Theodoropoulos found that highly educated immigrants are more likely to intermarry because they better adapt to the host country. Moreover, those whose educational levels are much higher or lower than their ethnic group's average are more likely to intermarry as economists Barry Chiswick and Christina Houseworth have reported.

Groups that are less clustered or segregated geographically are more likely to interact with those outside the group, increasing the chances of intermarriage. On a related note, since interpersonal relationships primarily evolve in settings such as schools and workplaces, a more culturally diverse school or workplace presents the opportunity for different groups to meet and interact.

Defining Intermarriage in Germany

Due to the way Germany classifies immigrants, intermarriage can be assessed in two ways: intermarriage by nationality and by migration background.

Intermarriage by nationality is marriage between a German citizen and someone who does not hold German citizenship, regardless of where that person was born. For example, an intermarriage by nationality could involve a German-citizen woman and the Turkish-nationality, German-born son of a Turkish guest worker.

Defining immigrant status by nationality is technically easy and generally unambiguous. But intermarriage status might change over time if the noncitizen spouse naturalizes.

Furthermore, these data include, misleadingly, marriages between naturalized citizens and noncitizens who are both of Turkish background, for example. Also, nationality data do not allow researchers to sort the foreign born (the first generation) from those noncitizens born in Germany to foreign-born parents (the second generation).

Intermarriage by migration background means the marital union of a person who does not have a migration background (i.e., a native-born German) with someone who does have a migration background.

In other words, this type of marriage data, only available from 2005 onward, includes members of the first, second, and later generations who hold German citizenship and who were not captured by the nationality data.

These data, which come from Germany's microcensus — a quarterly survey of 1 percent of the German population — make it possible to separate the first generation from later generations. Aussiedler can be explicitly pointed out as well.

However, due to definitional and data-related difficulties, the data do not allow distinctions between second and later generations. The data also make it impossible to further differentiate Germans whose parents have a migration background on one or both sides.

Intermarriage by Nationality

In Germany, the annual number of marriages, which are primarily between German citizens, has steadily declined since 1991 (see Figure 1).

In contrast, the annual number of new intermarriages trended upward from 1991, when there were 43,955 (9.7 percent of all new marriages), until 2002, when they peaked at 62,468 (15.9 percent). Since 2002, the annual number and the share have dropped. In 2006, there were 373,681 new marriages, 46,719 of which (12.5 percent) were intermarriages.

The annual number and share of new marriages between immigrants has remained relatively small and steady over time, with just 7,578 such marriages in 2006, or 2.0 percent of the total. The surprisingly low number of new intra-immigrant marriages can be explained by the data, which only count marriages certified by a German registry office. The vast majority of intra-immigrant marriages are most likely confirmed in the spouses' home country.

Figure 1. New Marriages in Germany by Type, 1991 to 2006
Source: Federal Statistical Office, 2007.

Over time, the balance of intermarriages has shifted from marriages between German women and foreign men to marriages between German men and foreign women (see Figure 2). As of 2006, 57.7 percent of new intermarriages involved a German man and 42.3 percent involved a German woman.

Figure 2. New Intermarriages by Gender, 1991 to 2006
Source: Federal Statistical Office, 2007.

In looking at the stock of all marriages as of 2008, nationals from German-speaking countries, such as Austria (43.1 percent), and nationals from countries of the Russian Federation (57.8 percent) showed comparably high rates of marriage to German citizens (see Table 6).

Polish nationals were also among those with high intermarriage rates (37.3 percent). In contrast, Greek (6.7 percent) and Turkish (9.7 percent) nationals showed extremely low intermarriage rates. Overall, intermarriages made up 25.0 percent of all marriages involving at least one foreigner.

Table 6. Stock of Intermarriages by Nationality, 2008
Citizenship (select groups) Total Married Married to German citizen Intermarriage share (percent)
Russian Federation 188,253 107,955 62,391 57.8
Austria 175,434 82,210 35,396 43.1
France 108,090 38,497 16,527 42.9
Poland 393,848 189,237 70,585 37.3
Netherlands 132,997 63,318 21,871 34.5
Ukraine 126,233 63,989 19,635 30.7
Spain 105,526 39,538 11,594 29.3
Italy 523,162 209,670 36,725 17.5
Croatia 223,056 112,961 16,979 15.0
Former Serbia and Montenegro 177,330 84,141 12,236 14.5
Bosnia and Herzegovina 156,804 81,518 11,777 14.1
Portugal 114,451 50,516 5,087 10.1
Turkey 1,688,370 858,502 83,204 9.7
Greece 287,187 127,372 8,529 6.7
Total 6,727,618 3,123,050 781,741 25.0
Source: Central Register of Foreigners (AZR), 2008.

Breaking these numbers down by gender, noncitizen women generally were more often intermarried (27.8 percent) than noncitizen men (21.7 percent) (see Table 7a and Table 7b).

Among noncitizen women, those holding citizenship from Thailand (81.5 percent), the Russian Federation (62.2 percent), and Romania (55.3 percent) had high intermarriage rates.

Especially among male nationals from the Russian Federation (50.4 percent), the United States (49.5 percent), and Great Britain (42.2 percent), intermarriage levels were high, presumably because of allied troops based in Germany.

Table 7a. Intermarriage among Noncitizen Women by Nationality, 2008
Citizenship (select groups) Total of noncitizen women Married Married to German man Intermarriage share (percent)
Thailand 47,030 32,148 26,210 81.5
Russian Federation 114,488 67,455 41,961 62.2
Romania 52,220 26,918 14,886 55.3
Poland 203,924 106,473 58,342 54.8
Austria 82,877 43,391 19,947 46.0
Ukraine 77,434 40,472 16,225 40.1
Netherlands 59,761 31,619 11,153 35.3
Croatia 114,258 63,810 10,396 16.3
Bosnia and Herzegovina 76,011 41,173 5,965 14.5
Serbia (with and without Kosovo) 66,024 31,189 3,819 12.2
former Serbia and Montenegro 84,915 43,581 5,303 12.2
Italy 214,993 98,671 11,629 11.8
Turkey 799,367 452,747 31,155 6.9
Greece 131,185 64,204 3,519 5.5
Total 3,284,295 1,695,867 471,984 27.8
Source: Central Register of Foreigners (AZR), 2008.
Table 7b. Intermarriage among Noncitizen Men by Nationality, 2008
Citizenship (selected groups) Total of noncitizen men Married Married to German woman Intermarriage share (percent)
Russian Federation 73,765 40,500 20,430 50.44
United States 56,972 25,768 12,752 49.49
Great Britain 59,177 24,791 10,468 42.23
Austria 92,557 38,819 15,449 39.80
Netherlands 73,236 31,699 10,718 33.81
Italy 308,169 110,999 25,096 22.61
former Serbia and Montenegro 92,415 40,560 6,933 17.09
Serbia (with and without Kosovo) 70,128 29,569 4,753 16.07
Poland 189,924 82,764 12,243 14.79
Bosnia and Herzegovina 80,793 40,345 5,812 14.41
Croatia 108,798 49,151 6,583 13.39
Turkey 889,003 405,755 52,049 12.83
Portugal 62,291 24,555 2,072 8.44
Greece 156,002 63,168 5,010 7.93
Total 3,443,323 1,427,183 309,757 21.70
Source: Central Register of Foreign Population (AZR), 2008.

Intermarriage by Migration Background

Of the population with migration background, 7.2 million in 2007 were married, 18.9 percent to someone who does not have a migration background. Although the data cannot be compared directly, this share of intermarriages is smaller than the share observed among intermarriages by nationality.

This indicates that defining immigrant status by nationality alone overstates intermarriage rates. Some of the intermarriages in the nationality data might have been between immigrants who differ by nationality but share the same ethnic origin or migration history.

Yet, the migration-background data find similar trends. As with the intermarriage by nationality findings, women with migration background were more likely to be intermarried (19.9 percent) than men (18.0 percent) (see Table 8a and Table 8b).

Women of Polish origin had high rates of intermarriage (28.7 percent), as did women of Romanian (26.6 percent) and Ukrainian origin (21.7 percent). Female current or former Turkish nationals showed an extremely low intermarriage rate of below 3 percent.

In contrast, men of Italian origin had the highest intermarriage rate — 34.6 percent — for any origin, male or female. Also, they were the only group of men who had an intermarriage rate above the male average. Croatian and Polish men also showed high intermarriage rates of 16.3 and 14.2 percent, respectively. Again the rate of intermarriage among Turkish immigrants was markedly low, just 7.7 percent.

Table 8a. Intermarriages of Women with Migration Background by Country of Origin, 2007
Migration status
(select subgroups)
Intermarriage share of
total marriages (percent)
German man
with without
migration background
Population total 41,986,000 19,426 2,297 15,325 1,804  
Persons with Migration background 7,602,000 3,618,000 1,471,000 718,000 1,429,000 19.9
— with current or former citizenship            
Poland 362,000 195,000 100,000 56,000 39,000 28.7
Romania 134,000 79,000 48,000 21,000 11,000 26.6
Ukraine 118,000 69,000 20,000 15,000 34,000 21.7
Italy 314,000 140,000 8,000 23,000 108,000 16.4
Croatia 193,000 102,000 13,000 16,000 73,000 15.7
Russian Federation 302,000 174,000 108,000 23,000 43,000 13.2
Bosnia and Herzegovina 140,000 79,000 12,000 9,000 59,000 11.4
Greece 173,000 91,000 5,000 8,000 78,000 8.8
Serbia 189,000 98,000 18,000 7,000 73,000 7.1
Turkey 1,203,000 673,000 173,000 20,000 481,000 3.0
Source: German Microcensus 2007.
Table 8b. Intermarriages of Men with Migration Background by Country of Origin, 2007
Migration status
(select subgroups)
Total Married Intermarriage share of
total marriages (percent)
Total German woman Foreigner
with without
migration background
Population total 40,271,000 19,401,000 2,239,000 15,249,000 1,913,000  
Men with migration background 7,809,000 3,572,000 1,412,000 642,000 1,519,000 18.0
— with current or former citizenship            
Italy 447,000 202,000 16,000 70,000 117,000 34.6
Croatia 180,000 98,000 11,000 16,000 70,000 16.3
Poland 276,000 134,000 74,000 19,000 41,000 14.2
Greece 210,000 106,000 9,000 15,000 82,000 14.2
Romania 106,000 61,000 44,000 7,000 10,000 11.5
Serbia 202,000 105,000 18,000 11,000 76,000 10.5
Bosnia and Herzegovina 143,000 79,000 15,000 8,000 56,000 10.1
Turkey 1,323,000 714,000 170,000 55,000 489,000 7.7
Russian Federation 259,000 145,000 103,000 <5,000 40,000   /
Ukraine 96,000 50,000 17,000 <5,000 31,000   /
Note: Numbers less than 5,000 are not reported due to data imprecision.
Source: German Microcensus 2007.

Looking at the migration-background data by generation reveals that second-generation men and women were less likely to be married than first-generation men and women. This is presumably because the second generation is dramatically younger — their average age is 15 compared to 43 for the first generation.

Among married women with migration background, the rates of intermarriage were about the same: 19.8 percent for the first generation and 20.6 for the second generation (see Table 9a).

But second-generation men who were married were more likely to be intermarried (29.6 percent) than first-generation married men (17.2 percent) (see Table 9b). This supports the assumption that later generations are more attached to the host country — at least with regard to men.

As for specific groups, the rate of intermarriage among first-generation Turkish men was 7.1 percent but 12.1 percent for the second generation. For men of Italian origin, the rate increased even more markedly — about 11 percentage points from the first to the second generation.

First-generation Turkish women had an intermarriage rate of 2.6 percent, but the data were insufficient for showing the intermarriage rate for married second-generation Turkish women. Due to the margin of error in such small populations, the microcensus only reports exact numbers above 5,000. Thus, comparing Turkish women by generation is not possible.

The difference for women of Italian origin, however, was dramatic: 12.6 percent in the first generation compared to 31.0 percent for the second generation.

Table 9a. Intermarriages of Women by Generation and Country of Origin, 2007
Migration status
(select subgroups)
Total Married Intermarriage share of
total marriages (percent)
Total German man Foreigner
with without
migration background
Persons with migration background 7,602,000 3,618,000 1,471,000 718,000 1,429,000 19.9
Persons with own migration experience (first generation) 5,292,000 3,380,000 1,416,000 669,000 1,296,000 19.8
— with current or former citizenship            
Poland 309,000 193,000 99,000 55,000 39,000 28.5
Romania 119,000 78,000 47,000 20,000 11,000 25.6
Ukraine 108,000 67,000 20,000 15,000 33,000 22.4
Croatia 135,000 91,000 12,000 13,000 66,000 14.3
Russian Federation 277,000 170,000 105,000 22,000 43,000 12.9
Italy 162,000 111,000 7,000 14,000 90,000 12.6
Bosnia and Herzegovina 109,000 75,000 11,000 8,000 55,000 10.7
Greece 107,000 77,000 <5,000 6,000 66,000 7.8
Serbia 140,000 91,000 17,000 7,000 68,000 7.7
Turkey 722,000 575,000 148,000 15,000 413,000 2.6
Persons without own migration experience (second generation) 2,310,000 238,000 55,000 49,000 133,000 20.6
— with current or former citizenship            
Italy 152,000 29,000 <5,000 9,000 18,000 31.0
Turkey 481,000 98,000 25,000 <5,000 68,000 <5.1
Note: Intermarriages include only those to a German man without migration background.
Numbers less than 5,000 are not reported due to data imprecision.
Source: German Microcensus 2007.
Table 9b. Intermarriages of Men by Generation and Country of Origin, 2007
Migration status
(select subgroups)
Total Married Intermarriage share of
total marriages (percent)
Total German woman Foreigner
with without
migration background
Persons with migration background 7,809,000 3,572,000 1,412,000 642,000 1,519,000 18.0
Persons with own migration experience (first generation) 5,242,000 3,349,000 1,363,000 576,000 1,410,000 17.2
— with current or former citizenship            
Italy 270,000 175,000 12,000 58,000 105,000 33.1
Croatia 116,000 87,000 10,000 13,000 64,000 14.9
Poland 220,000 131,000 72,000 18,000 40,000 13.7
Greece 132,000 93,000 7,000 12,000 73,000 12.9
Romania 88,000 60,000 43,000 7,000 10,000 11.7
Serbia 146,000 99,000 17,000 10,000 72,000 10.1
Bosnia and Herzegovina 109,000 75,000 14,000 7,000 54,000 9.3
Turkey 788,000 631,000 152,000 45,000 433,000 7.1
Russian Federation 232,000 142,000 100,000 <5,000 38,000   /
Ukraine 83,000 49,000 17,000 <5,000 30,000   /
Persons without own migration experience (second generation) 2,567,000 223,000 49,000 66,000 108,000 29.6
— with current or former citizenship            
Italy 178,000 27,000   12,000 12,000 44.4
Turkey 535,000 83,000 18,000 10,000 55,000 12.1
Notes: Intermarriages include only those to a German woman without migration background.
Numbers less than 5,000 are not reported due to data imprecision.
Source: German Microcensus 2007.

Intermarriage Factor: Education

As outlined earlier, education level is assumed to be a leading factor in partner choice.

Germany has a tiered education system that tracks children at age 10 into Hauptschule (general school), Realschule (secondary school), or Gymnasium (university preparation). All three tracks culminate in a school-leaving exam.

Degrees from general schools only allow for apprenticeships, whereas graduates from secondary school may also apply for further education in so-called Fachoberschulen (technical colleges) to obtain the highest schooling degree, the Fachhochschulreife (advanced technical college entrance qualification), which corresponds to the German Abitur.

The Abitur — automatically obtained after completing Gymnasium — and the Fachhochschulreife are the only degrees that make individuals eligible to attend university or universities of applied science (Fachhochschule, or FH). These graduates can also start apprenticeships and attend trainee programs.

Here we define "educated" as completing one of the three secondary schools (general, secondary, and Gymnasium). Those who are "highly educated with respect to schooling" hold the Abitur or the Fachhochschulreife.

University degrees and degrees obtained from universities of applied science are the highest education levels possible in terms of vocational qualification, topped only by doctoral degrees and professorships following at least four years of Habilitation (postdoctoral lecture qualification).

Vocational training generally means education that follows completed secondary schooling. It includes apprenticeships and training as a doctor's assistant, banker, dispensing optician, or plumber, for example.

In 2007, 83.7 percent of Germany's population without migration background completed schooling compared to 63.7 percent among those with a migration background.

The share of male graduates with Abitur or Fachhochschulreife was also higher among natives (23.5 percent) compared to men with migration background (18.8 percent). In contrast, the share of immigrant women with Abitur or Fachhochschulreife was 19.7 percent, slightly higher than among natives (18.2 percent).

Also, those with migration background showed far lower rates of vocational training (39 percent) than natives (66.2 percent).

Moreover, 13.8 percent of native men and 8.5 percent of native women held university or FH degrees in 2007; the same was true for only 9.2 percent of men and 8.5 percent of women with migration background.

Both sets of intermarriage data show that especially first-generation women from Eastern European countries are most likely to intermarry. In addition, as education data by migration background show, large shares of women of Polish, Ukranian, and Romanian origin are highly educated in terms of both schooling and vocational qualification (see Table 10).

In contrast, those of Turkish origin, who have low intermarriage rates, also had lower graduation rates from all three school levels. Only 53.6 percent had completed schooling and only 9.2 percent of men and 7.6 percent of women held the Abitur or a comparable degree. The share of those of Turkish origin with vocational training was also exceptionally small compared to all other groups.

Thus, educational data are in line with the assumption that more educated immigrants are more likely to be intermarried. However, this correlation does not imply causality and is probably related to other factors that also affect marriage choice.

Table 10. Education Levels of Persons with Migration Background by Country of Origin, 2007
Migration status
(select groups)
With completed schooling
(as percent of group's population)
Among those with
completed schooling
With vocational training*
(as percent of group's population)
Among those with
vocational degree
Abitur or Fachhochschulreife University or university of applied science
Total Men Women Men Women Total Men Women Men Women
Total population 79.9 79.3 80.5 22.6 18.4 61.1 65.2 57.2 12.9 8.5
Persons without
migration background
83.7 82.8 84.4 23.5 18.2 66.2 70.7 61.9 13.8 8.5
Persons with
migration background
63.7 64.5 62.9 18.8 19.7 39.0 42.0 36.0 9.2 8.5
— according to current
or former citizenship
Greece 67.4 71.1 62.4 19.4 <15.6 32.8 37.1 27.6 7.1 <6.9
Italy 65.6 69.4 60.2 10.0 11.1 34.1 38.8 27.4 4.2 <5.4
Poland 77.9 75.0 80.1 24.3 35.6 55.2 57.2 53.6 9.4 11.9
Romania 82.5 80.0 84.4 <31.5 34.1 61.3 67.6 56.3 15.2 <14.1
Bosnia and Herzegovina 68.2 69.4 66.4 11.8 <12.9 41.0 47.2 35.0 <6.9 <7.1
Croatia 75.8 77.2 74.6 15.0 14.0 50.1 57.8 43.0 <6.7 <5.2
Russian Federation 78.1 76.2 79.7 21.9 29.6 52.1 51.4 52.8 14.7 19.3
Serbia 61.4 64.4 58.7 11.9 <10.5 35.0 41.9 28.0 <4.9 <5.3
Turkey 53.6 58.4 48.3 9.2 7.6 22.7 27.9 17.0 3.2 2.2
Ukraine 79.4 75.0 82.4 40.6 44.5 60.5 59.4 61.3 30.2 30.3
*Meaning additional education following school graduation. This includes apprentienceships and training to become a doctor's assistant, mechanic, or technician, but also university attendance.
Note: Numbers refer to percentage share of the group's population. Observations below 5,000 are not reported, therefore allowing only for estimates.
Source: German Microcensus 2007.


Even as the number of new marriages in Germany has decreased, the share of intermarriages in 2006 remained well above the share in the early 1990s though a downward trend in intermarriages is evident.

Examining intermarriage by nationality and migration background reveals that intermarriage rates have generally increased from the first to the second generation, as would be expected. Also, some of the country's groups, particularly Italian men and Polish immigrants, have significantly higher intermarriage rates than others.

First- and second-generation, male and female Turkish immigrants, by far the largest group in Germany, are least likely to marry a native German — not surprising given that group size and concentration influence intermarriage rates.

Yet, intermarriage rates for men of Turkish background increased from the first to the second generation. This indicates the second generation's greater commitment to and integration into German society.

Furthermore, data support the idea that intermarriage rates and education level correlate.

However, it is important to keep in mind that in addition to education, intermarriage rates are also related to residential patterns, religious beliefs, and third-party considerations, including legal restrictions and additional factors not explored here.

That said, the intermarriage findings here are in line with trends in traditional immigration countries like the United States and offer researchers another less-discussed way of understanding immigrant integration in Germany.


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